Osimbayeva
Indira Sultanobna
Kazakh National Pedagogical
Abay University
Political consciousness of women like as theoretical
and
methodological problem
Political
consciousness is subjective measurement of politics. It is realizes in the two
levels of political reflections: ideological and psychological. In the first
level politics reflect own reflections like as abstraction ideas and definitive
theoretical models (ideological doctrines). In the second level politics
reflect in the forms of psychological settings, values and feelings.
Political
consciousness defines as whole of intentional phenomenon which express
perception of politics as individual subject of political process.
In spite of political
consciousness represents as result of not only individual experiment (with
influences of social environment, political relationship, political
opportunities, and objective factors else like that), with aids of this
concepts we can define characteristics to basic individual subjected political processes;
internal processes which towards from consciousness of individuals. The concept
‘political consciousness’ hardly can conformed to characteristics of
complicated subjects of political processes (as example: we can not say that to
these or those concrete political systems are typical these or those political
consciousnesses, also at that time like useful the concept of political culture
is completely acceptably). In another words, we can say that the concept of
‘political consciousness’ as compared with ‘political culture’ reflects more
subjective phenomena.
We have to note
that political consciousness together with values and settings also includes
psychological mechanism of performance and search of own position. In spite of that
enough evidently influence of environment we have to acknowledge that this
process has own individual character. Therefore using the term ‘political
consciousness’ to group factors or other kinds of complex subjects of political
processes causes to doubt. So, using this term like metaphor to define
statistical totality of political settings and values in this or that society with
widespread using is can be acceptable when available necessary explanations and
reservations.
Political
consciousness closely communicates with political behaviors; it can be
preparatory stage for political behaviors, it can fill political behaviors with
meanings; also can create possibility of political interactions between
subjects of political processes. We can describe the political consciousness
like ‘internal’ political behaviors which influences to ‘external’ behavior of
human, in other words influence to activity and working of human.
Political
consciousness of women and gender problem like article of research inseparable
concerned with development of feministic political ideas in the XX century.
Beginning at second
half of 1960 years development of women motion was accompanied by forming
feministic philosophy and ideology, becoming its own theoretical foundations. Beginning
with critical theory ‘natural system of seniority’ and submission status of
women feminists rejected central place to genders in the analysis of structural
power of political, social and cultural institutes, and in the models of
ideological effects. Repeated splash of women’s motion initialized to
academically discussions about many problems of history and modern position of
society, after that researching this problems in the feministic discussions
obtained absolutely different coloring. Up to that time when problems/questions
of feminists became arguments of overall discussion there was no works about
analysis of differentiation of society as principle about genders, in the
workings of political sciences, sociology mentioned about women. If political
subject as the traditional playing of men in the public always was objects for
intensive research, but do not studied the subject about a political
participation of women (was in minimal degree like forced rearing to different
side women and politics) and political behavior of women (electors copied men’s
option). Practically there was no researching role of women in the spheres when
they were ‘visible’ – in the family life, private life, in the reproduction of
household life. Serious science gives preference to research status sphere with
advantage predominance of men. In the till-feministic period too tightly
interpretation of political conceptions did not give a place to women. There
must take place intellectual bursting to destruction traditional eruditions and
habitual approach of leaning society, to the extent that population in the own
more predominant kept conservative and inert thoughts. Many ‘private’ subjects
about women have gained not only status, also became absolutely different
phonations in the feministic discussions.
Development of
researches relating to women in the political knowledge characterized with
paradigms: complete invisibility, limited visibility and visibility.
Elimination women for centuries from publicly life and authority sphere had
consequence practically overall neglecting of them in the political researches.
In spite of that women took part in the revolution transformations of modern
world with their special and unique methods like as France revolutions at the
end of XVIII centuries. That fact did not find proper understanding by
political scientists.
Many of theorists beginning
with thinkers of antiquity declared that biological specials and cultural
models concerned with women not only prevented from authority structures to
them, but also prevented from development of quality which about political and civil
activities.
In the many works
in one way or another relating to this subject have been similarly approaches. This
approach expression like that women were been in ‘representation’ situation
than described them or they have told about them by themselves. By the rule at
that case role and place of women defined via their social positions and social
responsibility, in other words via the role functions. After that object of
antique thoughts take side in specific development of country, specialty of
local culture, religion, tradition and intentional development of these or
those nations. At the same time, many thinkers issued from the basic conception
that position of women resulting from their biological predisposition, in other
words their quality as weaker than men, not competitive able form in compared
with men. Therefore according to this conception we can define these two
genders did not interplayed with each other in reality, but like men
constructed their treatment and their representation opposite gender.
Accordingly women
and ‘feminine’ were recondite in the political theory and in the history of
political thoughts which were written by the position of androcentrizm.
Conception which structured political discourse in the classical period based
on recognition of clear dichotomy of public and private field. Beginning with
ancient Greeks conceptual cultivation of them had affected to classical understanding
private sphere of household, more often well-known as sphere of reproduction
and economy like dividable from the beginning, there we want to point cities –
state policy organizing manufactures. Moreover only public sphere characterized
as freedom arena and civil rights. As long as hierarchical treatment considered
as natural regulations in the private sphere, accordingly exclusion of women
from public sphere depended on their ‘natural’ incapability overstep outside of
limits their biological and economical submission in the household sphere. Since
women are associated with private submission sphere, they were excluded from
the practice of freedom which defined political life. Public sphere not only
existed without women, but also were incite them against.
Increasing
feministic motion and necessity incorporate democratically ideals in the
scientific theory took attention to importance resolving problems about
representation of women’s interests. Nevertheless not looking at increasing
range of feministic researches in geometrical progression since 1970 in the
political science central discourse political theory long time was remained
untouched. This situation been continued designing like that as though women
and their interests like as groups conceptual incompatible with political
discourse. More exactly theorists defined political territory in the terms of
‘absence’ of gender. In the words of Jean Elshtain women were staid openly
speechless, with being exclusion from the dictionary of politics. In that way
the own definition of politics was written by prerequisites that excluded
women’s participation from public life: women’s interests were admitted
importance only in the plans of progression of certain special feminine
‘righteousness’ /1/.
Along with
conceptualization category of genders in the spheres of interests of social
sciences/studies was included complex consecrate political participation of
women. Feministic revision of political theory began with reformulations,
prefaces new researching terms and their components. For example: was done call
to conventional definitions of politics, was answered new question in what way
gender designed female political experiment and like as race, ethnic, class
interests in combination with gender attributes influenced to political motions
and political consciousness was researched as inter-netting social treatments
of women at the family, at work, communes influence to output form of
opposition and agreement, have done attempts to set motion of social
organizations on the context of more widespread political and economical
processes analyzed like interrelation between feminine political practice and
political theory.
For feminism
central deconstruction was approach to find the definition of political
territory and politics. As distinctly separated between each other ‘public’ and
second in comparison with public ‘private’ spheres became basic territories in
the life of men and women in the patriarchal society, one of the most important
problems of feministic theory was interrelationship between them, in connection
with this matter put in doubt traditional definition of politics. In the
classical political science has tendency which defines it like as purposeful
activities within the limits of special public sphere in which make decisions
to solving the problems.
In the 1970 years
with displaying discussions radical feminists offered to enlarge ‘political
territory’ with including to it private area of life and to extend accent in
the definition of politics to interrelationship which based on the authority
‘with the aid of term in which one group of people controls with other group’ /2/.
In application to
problems of interrelationship between genders in the society Kate Millet wrote
the thesis about that these problems are political in the meaning of authority
of men over women based on the social constructed differences and opposition of
genders. One of the demonstrations of these is monopolization of men on the
basic dominant positions in the political authority structures. Division of
human existence to spheres of society and private life, at the first case
consolidate men’s dominant in the society, at the other case because of
asymmetrical relation of authority and submission confirmed between genders. At
third, it is necessary to hide authority’s interdependency between men and
women.
So, consciousness
politics radical feminists have been treated widespread like all operations in
the sphere of modern social and cultural life. Therefore any female action
directed to opposite discourse of patriarchal culture apprehended as political
act, since always set in doubt basic and principles of functional existent
institutes and practices, called up to over understanding of them and
symbolized act overcoming authority dependency and stereotypes of traditional
culture. From these we can say that basic political formulas of radical
feminists and essentially basic slogan second wave of feminism – ‘overall
privates are political’. Put up to own central slogan confirming about direct
communication between politics and daily life, between individual needs, cares
and social changes feminists cardinally enlarged political summons by itself. Before
concerned problems exclusively as ‘private’ feminine – abortion, reproductive
rights, violence about women, sexual prosecution, care about children,
household works became emulate in between one by second to gain priority place
in the national political discourse of modern democracy. Recognition of
personal became political canceled artificial division from living and
political area to public and private area. Also this situation called up to
imposition ideological limit to politics which throw together to tight world of
choices, candidates and their lobbyists.
In the 1980 years,
central of the feministic definition of politics got conception ‘finding-knowing
power’. Feminists confirmed that point the men saw the authority like authority
over somebody, something as possibility to influence or dominate, at the same
time women saw the authority like finding-knowing power to equality of rights
and self-dependency. The same definition of ‘finding-knowing power’ used by
women to define authority which gives equality of rights, constrict monopoly,
at any demonstration of them as distinct from men’s understanding
‘finding-knowing power’ over something or somebody. Therefore women conducted
difference between terms ‘finding-knowing power’ which included strategy of
persuasion and other forms of nor forced influence, and with term ‘authority’. Also
feministic theory insists upon that women define authority and used authority
differently than men.
At that point
problems at last tenth anniversary made published many of books and articles
which gave feministic interpretation of politics ‘finding-knowing power’. Among
them we can especially mark works of Judith Battler and Joan Scott, Diana Cull,
Iva Doichman, Anne Ionasdottir, Marilee Carl, Jennifer Ring, Mary Shenli and
Carol Pateman, Karss Sanstein and other authors. Consciousness ‘finding-knowing
power’ in the meaning of given by feminists means process finding oppressed
once personality possibility disposal by own destiny, enlarged participation in
the works of society and presence in the satisfaction structures. Cause of
these were not traditional consciousness authority as ‘authority over somebody’
or authority like dominating, but consciousness authority as ‘power to’ or like
‘competence’. Authority in the hands of women had seen more cooperative and
less confrontational than in the hands of men. This belief to different point
of view to politics peculiar to last may be one of the more useful arguments to
assertion requirements increasing amount of women in the elite political
positions.
At that time were
revealed narrow-mindedness and feministic theory and feministic practice spring
up from personal experiments of united in the own organizations white women of
middle class which can not accumulate and represent experiment of all women. At
this point of view turned out that feministic motions also defined maintenance
of politics not wide enough and in the 1980 years it was criticized by black
feminists to neglecting absolutely specific, not compare able with nothing
experiments of offspring black-skinned slaves which conscious themselves
‘different’ not only in the relationship with men (more to white than to black),
but also at the more considerable degree in the relationship with women of
middle class. In the 1960-1970 years in feministic sphere appeared strange
responsibility as women and from women. But, how marked Judith Battler ‘any
attempt to give universal or specific maintenance to category of women, where
assumed that this guarantor of solidarity expected before absolutely produced
functionality, and that kind of ‘identify’ like sending point never did not
kept like basics of feministic political motion’ /3/. Exactly so in the
beginnings of 1980 years feministic ‘we’ undergoing to attacks of colored
women.
There must de done only one reservation – conduct of
free academic debates, opened to any theme, free admission to electronic and
printer of information resources, in other words presence of basic to
foundation civil society were necessary conditions to actually renewals and
development usually inconsistently which entered to deadlock theorists
searching of feministic theory. Therefore according to feminism creature,
preservation and development of civil society became like necessary security.
In that point of view feminism closed down with all other political actions
which expressed to develop civil society.
In this connection
of this meaning which feministic theory attached in general development of
democratic processes, intercommunication between feminism and democratic
conceptions civil became to one of most too important subjects of academic
debates in the 1980-1990years. Liberal feminists expected to give more
spectrums political and civil rights to women did not to throw down a challenge
dominant liberal models citizenship and politics, just as like political
spheres and political theory. However exactly reunderstanding and
reconstruction last created basics to attempt construction such models
citizenship and civil activities which can in additionally feministic politics
private which based on specific virtue for family like love, intimacy and
preoccupation of destiny ‘specifically different’ /4/.
In particular, on
the position of obscene Jean Elshtain and Sara Raddik after Carol Gilligan set
up opposite feministic ‘ethics of care’
to men’s and liberal ‘ethics of justice’
confirmed that exactly in the women’s experiment about maternity is necessary to
search a new model of citizenship activities /5/. Nevertheless maternalistic
position like this could find adversary among own feminists which considered
citizenship like especially patriarchal category. In particular, Carol Pateman
in the own work which became feministic classic as named ‘The sexual contract’ /6/
written more sharply positions like who is a ‘citizen’?, what will this citizen
do in the arena?, where will he work, if citizen is woman - will she
reconstructed as type of men? Although in the liberal democracy women are
citizens now, this citizenship was gained in the sphere structure of
patriarchal authority in which women’s features and quality are not valuable
until now /7/.
Pateman proved that
discussions in the sphere theory of social contract demonstrated only a part of
history: on the basis of modern patriarchal and political dominant of men over
women has been ‘the sexual contract’ which never wasn’t been considered before.
Solution is creation of differentiated models of citizenship throw
characteristics of sex in which specific demands of men and women will be
appreciated equally? Opinions disagreed with each other. But creation of
absolutely different conception which means to be citizen and ‘to act like
member of democratic political community’ /8/ also directed to own difficulty.
For analysis
interrelationship of women with political life in the 1970 years by American
feministic authors was offered two conceptions which inter opposite to each
other – ‘conception of marginality’ and ‘conception of integration’. Let’s
begin from second. Virginia Sapiro in own book as named ‘The political
integration of women’ reminded about integration of women in the political life
formed from two elements – from role where women played that role in the
political life, and also reciprocal role where politics played that role with
destine of women. (But then it’s right as regards any other groups). While
government involving to regulation of birth rate, sexuality, division of works
and ownership in the family, conditions which created and destroyed the family,
without authority of women in the political life women could not posses full
agreement in the own private life. Sapiro wrote that ‘if feministic life and
political life was integrated there won’t be features for participation of
women in the politics and political involving in those problems which now named
as ‘women’s problems’ /9/. Actually what will be ‘women’s problems’ if private
life of family and political social life will been subsisted as not separately
from each other or if men and women will been divided all cares of family and
social life in equally’ /10/. Conception of integration offered important
vindicate argument for participation of women in the politics. But marginal
position of women in the society hindered their entering to politics in the
widespread area. At present time women have political rights, but still did not
take place their integration in the political life: it begins with equally
divided positions into political structure. Traditionally women convinced that
their participation in the politics in the better point limited with voting in
the elections. It’s not accident that after giving the rights of voting to
women first American female political organization was league women-electors of
USA. Admitted truth that women can play some roles in the citizenship spheres,
but only this subject also limited through family and domestic life. Their
rights to work limited with positions which oriented to service. In other case,
women tried to overpass role which given them often obtained marginal status.
This situation inevitably developed from conflicts which appeared if women
wanted to come out from the limited traditional role and rush to take definite
place in the social sphere. In that case in the opposite come into effect role
requirements which presented to both of groups: to women (as ‘weak’ or ‘second’
gender) and politics (as professionals which at first presented as association
of men, and at second whose gender fluencies was leveling). Demanded from women
to refuse from some norm of traditional women roles. At that time men’s
political group which consists of from only men don’t take upon women
completely and tried to set them in the position of submission. Conflicted demands
of different role groups resulted as women-politic did not identified
completely in any impossible roles. Because of it there were rejections from
political career.
Political
consciousness of Kazakh ethnics has unique structure by itself. In this situation
has own expression of traditional worship of authority and unity, without it
life in the steppe will be difficult and not predictable, unity of nomadic life
and philosophy of nomads which formed during many thousand years under
influence of geographic environment of social life. Considering matter
political consciousness of Kazakh ethnics in the context of our research –
study levels and criteria of political consciousness of Kazakh women.
In the traditional
Kazakh society development of political consciousness of Kazakh women like as
gender problems did not stayed as problem, not considered as independent fact
of social and political life. Gender problems probably have been natural component of
spiritual life of individuals and society, considered as rule from position of
history-cultural heritage.
In own dialectical
development gender problems and not at all demonstrate it’s multidimensional
sides, multi aspect which expressed in many multiform processes and form of
reflection of political acts, since role of Kazakh women in the spheres of
social consciousness has been reflection of that relations which formed into
society between different social groups on the occasion of gaining, keeping and
using authority, in other words political treatment. At that point we can mark
that natural genesis of political consciousness have been defined not only by
social changes which occurred in the Kazakh society, but development of like
that forms of social consciousness as science, moral, religion, sense of justice.
Subjective mode
reflected political acts, formed structure of political consciousness with
helping of social groups, private and society, as a whole. Consciousness of
objective reality comes possible with helping of intellect, feelings,
imagination and fantasy. Consequently, structure of political consciousness as
a whole defined with three consistent: rational, sensible and irrational.
To sensible
regarded manners, perceptions, grades, moods, wishes etc. to rational regarded
generalized ideas, conceptions, presentations, norms, opinions etc. to
irrational regarded not motivated consciousness of subjective knowledge, as
well as utopia, fantastic manners. Rational, sensible and irrational
conceptions interrelated between each other. Rational manner of political
reality can’t appear without feeling’s perceptions which stimulated thought
processes. Irrational perceptions for example, political myths, also connected
with feelings and rational components.
Structure of
political consciousness of Kazakh ethnics can be considered in line distinctive
criteria. For example, basic can be setting as ‘matrix’ showing that
constructed on simultaneous counting different indications of maintenance,
organizations and functionalities. In that point of view structure of political
consciousness Kazakh women in our opinion included types shown in the
following:
Table
1
1. |
Liberal |
2. |
Traditional
national |
3. |
Nonconservative |
4. |
Radical liberal |
5. |
Radical
traditional national |
6. |
Radical romantic |
Political
consciousness Kazakh women classified according to quality substantial
parameters. At different carrier of this can be more or less developed,
dominated in the structure of social and individual consciousness or can be
secondary factor of perceptions.
Intensive politicization
of social consciousness communicated with periods of crisis revolution
situations, with changing of political routines, personal authority,
reconstruction of political system, basic conceptions of political behaviors.
Politicization of social consciousness as a rule begins with lower and upper
groups of social structure.
At the smaller
degree of politicization liable middle groups of society. Political
consciousness of Kazakh women at a whole developed relatively independently
from all above-listed factors, since relatively independence of political
consciousness in respect of consciousness conditioned that creation like as
method of realization real existence in the own main characteristics, laws of
demonstration and functioning. In all forms and demonstrations of consciousness
have unique basic – social natural existence of people, their intellects, wills
and feelings. Relatively independent character of political consciousness as
against for example from moral or economic consciousness demonstrated in the
specific political area, political relationship, political culture, tradition
and methods of political acts, in the specific conceptual categorical instrument
which drawn with political philosophy, political science, political sociology
and other sciences which study political reality and political consciousness.
In the part of
definition of levels of political consciousness as systematic education we must
marked following. Among the four basic levels of political consciousness such
as government, theoretical, empirical and ordinary for Kazakh women the most
typical is empirical level. The fact is that empirical level which based on
immediately practice of participation or nonparticipation in the political
processes of different social community, in our case women characterized as a
whole for traditional Kazakh society. On this point empirical level
demonstrated at Kazakh women in the participation of stand forms in the social
political processes where she harmoniously completed role of men. Moreover can
established that in any level social stratification of traditional Kazakh
society women exerted more influences to politics-men, since ‘in the opinion of
ethnographers role of women in the steppe expanses was predetermined and aloud
differed from one that take away in most Islamic countries. There women never
wear paranja, since she was not only emancipated and independent, but also
because of preventing of them for realization of destined role – to take up
nomad’s tent at new place, to put shanirak, to kindle a fire, to prepare food
and to bring up children’ /11/.
According to this
theme N.Nurtazina wrote: ‘Spiritual self-expression, active participation in
the social life and influence to national consciousness of women can not expressed
fully not only because of discrepancy her nature to spirit of epoch, but then
because of nomad society with power of own originality did not possibility to
release women from beyond one’s strength burden of material execution and
family domestic problems. At that like submission of women was legalized with
steppe traditions and fast entered to national mental’ /12/. As against women
belonging to east society as named ‘west submission’ too many basic parts of
Kazakh women strong domestic work, closure at the family and territorial
disconnection of nomad nation did not give them possible situation for
association and understanding own position. Therefore we could not say anything
about female emancipator motions or political participations of Kazakh women until
Soviet Union /13/.
For one’s part weak
participation of women of traditional Kazakh society in the political life did
impossible development of other for levels of political consciousness, since
absence of empirical experiment of a priori laid negative conditions for
perception, acceptance and adaptation of subjective political processes of
government, theoretic and ordinary levels of political consciousness. Therein
empirical experiment acted as first reason in the institution of above-listed
levels of political consciousness.
Obstacles powerful
as before which hamper to the process political consciousness of women and as a
whole, problems of activation of role and place of women in the sphere of
political acts. This is also men’s cooperative culture which based on private
interrelationship; this is also prejudice in the relationship with
women-politics. Aversion of women often not motivated by nothing except
characteristics of gender, began from old hierarchical division of social role
according to which given submission role for women.
Definite role in
the development of political consciousness of women also played the factors
like different criteria of grade as regards men and women, absence women
solidarity, domestic responsibilities which limited time and possibility of
women to develop own experiences that necessary for political acts, absence of corresponding
psychological supporting by own family. Widely women than men have to live
according to the law needs and offered circumstances, but not according to
basis of free choice, this condition also influenced to political activities of
them.
However in the
women’s environment increasing the realization that political consciousness –
it’s general and responsible work, that’s why give this work only to men not
right, form of women participation in the political sphere and other spheres of
social life supported limiting the authority of politics only from powerful
position. At the same time establishment of aims and actions in interests of
increasing political consistent in the women life can promote acceleration of
progress at that situation. Increasing amount of women in the political sphere
as proved world experiment will be drawn with positive changes in the
structure, habit, morality climates of society, demanding different level and
more humane style of relations which highly actual for Kazakhstan.
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1. Elshtain Jean.
Public Man, Private Woman. – Printecon: Printecon University Press, 1989;
Ruddick Sara. Material Thinking. – London: Verso, 1989.
2. Kate Millett.
Sexual Politics. – London: Abaus, 1972.P.23.
3. Battler Judit. Accidentally
Existing Foundations: Feminism and Question about ‘post-modernism’ // Gender Research.
1999, ¹3. P. 101.
4. Muff. Sh. Feminism,
Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics // Gender Research, 1999, ¹3. P.
113.
5. Ruddick Sara.
Maternal Thinking. – London: Verso, 1989.
6. Pateman Carole. The
Sexual Contract. – Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988.
7. Pateman Carole. The
Sexual Contract. – Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988., p.114.
8. Muff. Sh. Feminism,
Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics // Gender research, 1999, ¹3. P.
117.
9. Sapiro Virginia.
The political Integration of Women. – Urbana, etc.: University of Illinois
Press. 1984. P.7.
10. Sapiro Virginia. The political
Integration of Women. – Urbana, etc.: University of Illinois Press. 1984. P.7.
11. M.Auezov. Women – pure stream.
/ New generation. March 5, 1999. - ¹39 (41).
12. Nurtazina N.D. Women in the
Traditional Kazakh Society // Teaching methodical set for course ‘Introduction
to Theory of Genders’. IV edition. Almaty: ‘Akyl kibaty’. – 1999. – P.7.
13. At the same place.