Matiushko L.
Lviv Inter-Regional Academy of
Personnel Management
Ukraine
THE
POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF THE MOSCOPHILIAN MOVEMENT IN GALICIA DURING THE TIME OF
WAR
Summary
The article covers the matter of the
Moscophilian movement political structure in the interwar period its formation
and problems management. The main political trends that appeared after the
split in Moscophilian movement are characterized. It is tried to explore the
scale of activities of the parties and the reasons of their revival.
Key
words: Moscophile, West Ukraine, Galicia and Rus National Organization, Galicia, People’s Freedom,
the party ‘Selrob’.
INTRODUCTION
Galicia’s Moscophile appeared in the middle of the XIX
th century as a world
outlook model that later on transformed into the ideological platform
preserving the main standards of thinking and national political guidelines in
the wartime when being by its nature conservative it persisted altering and
tried to adopt to the new time actual. The moscophilian figures having lost the
pre – war positions, the sources of subsistence, finally having quitted the
international arena, tried to conform to the new conditions.
Different
approaches to the issue of Moscophilian movement development are reflected in
the works of Y. Holovatskyi, I. Naumovych, K. Levytskyi, A. Andrusiak, M.
Mykolayevych. Large cycle of studies devoted either to the Moscophilian authors
or their adherents where political views, national ideals and prospects of the
activities and the main trends are highlighted. Those are the works of O.
Monchalovskyi, D. Markow, A. Volkonskyi, A. Kaminskyi.
The
stated period in the history of the Galicia’s land was rich in changes either
in the geopolitical structure (the transition of West Ukraine to the part of
the newly born Polish state) or in the internal national political and cultural
environments (the formation of the new Ukrainian political parties, which were
aware of the unity of both parts of Ukraine and substantiated the ideas of the
independence and conciliarism of the own state). Under such circumstances the
representatives of the Moscophilian political stream happened to be out of the
real influence on the almost new society formation. Besides, their national
political plans were shattered also by the coup in Rusia and the advent to
power of Bolsheviks that crossed out the necessity of such political power
existence which oriented on the nonexistent state – tsarist Rusia. However, the
phenomenon of the West Ukrainian history in the wartime became full – fledged
rebirth of Moscophile with the range of the slightly changed ideological
postulates and national political guidelines.
PROBLEM STATEMENT
This
phenomenon has become a problem, that hasn’t been thoroughly analyzed even on
the surface level yet. The researches of all the aspects of the Moscophilian
parties and public organizations activities in the stated period will enrich
the historic science first of all with the help of still unexplored scientific
sources introduced into the science-based circulation that give the possibility
to maintain the integral image about Galicia’s Moscophilstvo as a social and political occurrence. That’s
why on the basis of the accumulated knowledge about the past, the
substantiation of the own, special and inherent to Ukrainians the model of the
state formation, the way of thinking and living become possible.
The
complex party forming processes took part in the Mascophilian movement which
survived a deep crisis connected with the change of the political situation in
the region.
The
year 1919 is characterized with the establishment of the Moscophile political
party under the name Galicia and Rus National Organization (GRNO) which
supported the attempts of Galicia people to form their own state with the
future annexation to Naddniprianschyna (Upper Dniper Land).
The Rus
Executive Committee, as the executive body of GRNO in its resolution from May
26, 1920 stood up for the Ukrainians in the war with the Polish, expressed the
neutrality to the events in Russia and hostility to Poland [1]. The statement
wasn’t coordinated with such called old Moscophiles which considered the
position of adoption to the existing conditions and the cooperation with Polish
government to be right. They didn’t assist the idea of the united front with
other Ukrainian parties for achieving a mutual aim - the formation of the
Ukrainian state. The only condition of such collaboration was the recognition
of the Rus nation existence in Galicia. Such uncoordinated positions led to the
breakup of the party.
The
group of ‘Starorusyniv’ – the followers of the conservative Moscophile on the
head of Lysiak and Cherkavskyi
renounced the idea of the own statehood
and the first of the Ukrainian
alignments came to an agreement with the Polish occupation regime in 1920. They
after final break-up of GRNO in 1923 established a separate party – Rus
National Organization (RNO) which was seeking for the support in Polish
government factors and tightly collaborated with the Rusian minority and
emigration in Roland. This party at a later date divided into, two groups the right and that one which supported
government – ‘ Rus agricultural party “(RAP) and Rus rural party (RRR) [1, ñ.165]. The left wing of GRNO formed into the Party
of the People’s Freedom [2, ñ.353].
The
first RNO Congress took place on the first of November (1923) in Lviv where the
programme of the party was approved and RNO was announced to be a nationwide
party with the aim of assertion and the protection of the urban Rus population
national interests.
Kostetskyi
was chosen as an honourable head of the party where Tush was the executive
head. The political platform stated in all congress documents - is a
‘favourable attitude’ of the party to the Polish state and ‘loyal carrying out
of the responsibilities by the Rus people as the citizens of Poland’ [2, ñ.353]. The main ideological and programme objective
was the social and economic status improvement of the citizens and the
intelligentsia. Due to its objective,
the system of the governing bodies which was supposed to realize the stated
objectives was being established.
The
Supreme legislative body was the People’s Party Congress which was called every
year or at the 15 district organizers’ request. The members of the Rus People’s
Council, the District organizers and delegates elected by the district organizations could participate
in the Congress. The political society
‘Ruska Rada’ was the representative of RNO in Lviv, where the executive board
was People’s Council.
RNO as
a political representative of Moscophile during the period from1924 till 1928
set up the district agencies in different areas of Galicia as the rural areas
of Zolochiv and Rohatyn regions, Zborivschyna, Turka, and Stryi as well as
Zhuraven, Sambir, Ravsk, Zhovkiv regions [3].
The
political ideal of the wartime Moscophile was the democratic Russian federative
republic, the constituent part of which in the future Galicia should have
become, where the observance of all political, cultural and economic rights
would be guaranteed. By the time of such a state formation the Moscophiles had
declared the loyalty to Polish state, had denied the active political activity
and all their forces directed on the improvement of the cultural, educational,
political and economic level of the Galicia’s population.
The
party ‘People’s Freedom’ was set up in 1924 (due to the other sources
in 1923) [1, ñ.165]. It operated on East Galicia- inhabited
territories as ‘the union of land –
poor and landless peasants, workers and labour intelligentsia’ [2, ñ.348]. The
executive personnel were headed by K. Valnytskyi; K. Pelekhatyi; M.
Pryslopskyi; M. Halushkevych; M. Holinatyi and other. In consideration of the
social radicalism of the members of the
People’s Freedom, the Polish authority prohibited the holding of the 1st and
2nd Congresses of PPF and only on the 25th
of February, 1926 the 3rd Congress was
convened in Lviv, that approved the party’s draft program having been prepared
under the influence of the radical communist ideology. The document declared
that a practical objective of the party was ‘the union conducting of the class
struggle with the working people of the whole world’ with the aim of the
socialistic regime establishment: socialization of the private property on the production and exchange means, the
wide government assistance of the cooperation in agriculture. The raising
of the national issue on the basis of
self-determination for the benefit of the socialism’ and the later ‘federal unification of the whole peoples under the flag of Councils
was stipulated by the Bolshevist standard [4, c. 349]. The party didn’t
acknowledge neither Russian nor Ukrainian nationalism, negatively estimated the
Moscophile activity calling that movement the one that’ never possessed,
possesses and externally can’t possess those final political values … it is a
lifeless form and doctrine … [5]. Summing up everything that has been said
above, the representatives of the party ‘People’s Freedom’ calling themselves
socialist and internationalist, recognized the existence of the separate
Ukrainian people, which had a right for the full – fledged political, economic
and cultural life.
The
party ‘People’s Freedom’ hadn’t been providing its activity as the independent
political party for a long time. Understanding its weakness on powerless, party
consolidated with Volhynian ‘Ukrainian Socialistic Amalgamation’ into ‘Ukrainian Agricultural Labour
Socialistic Amalgamation’ (Selrob) in 1926 [6]. Differences of opinion started
between the branches of ‘ Selrob’ in 1927 and resulted in the setting up of the
new party Selrob – livytsi by the exmembers of the ‘People’s Freedom’ (K.
Valnytskyi, M. Zayats, K. Pelehatyi) [7]. It came out for the single – purpose
agricultural labour front as well as the land without ransom and reimbursement
for the labour and agricultural government [8, c. 23].
The
influence of the party ‘Selrob’ on the Galicia’s general public couldn’t help
being underestimated or overestimated. The interwar period generally was
characterized by the rebirth and the beginning of the socialistic ideas spreading throughout the world,
radicalization of the views. The peculiar socio – political situation
historically passed in Galicia, where the dominating party of the population
composed peasants, but Bolshevist and Communist ideas proclaimed the working
class to be the mover and the engine of the social and political reforms.
That’s why ‘Selrob’ asserted the unification of the peasants and workers with
that end in view to socialistically revolutionize and therefore it found the
appropriate part of the followers among the proletarian peasants. Thereupon the
internal differences, its activity didn’t spread over Galicia’s frontiers, it
either didn’t support any relations with similar parties beyond the borders of
the Polish country, and taking into account the short term of the party existence, it didn’t prove to be a
powerful political force.
The
longest and the most fruitful by its activity the conservative Moscophile party
– RNO appeared to be, preserving the panel and the old ideological basis.
RNO
held the regular land agricultural congress in Lviv on the 7th of July, 1928,
where the reasons of ‘unpopularity’ in Galicia were being discussed. For
strengthening the impact in the Galicia’s peasant environment, the decision
about the party’s name change for Rus Peasant Organization was adopted. The
formation of district and local committees was being planned either. Such a
step should have predisposed the Galicia’s peasantry to RPO side, the interests
of which were protected by the rural party. Its political work adds up to the
preparation for the participation in elections, and election talk as well as
the search for the partners in the political activity. Moscophiles,
understanding their minor impact in compare with other great parties, were
seeking after the allies and mainly they were ruling parties and blocks. Thereby,
the official authority used Moscophiles for strengthening their own positions
in the district.
The
second Territorial Council of the RPO delegates took place on the 25th of
December, 1931, where 178 province delegates and 50 representatives of Lviv central organization participated. The
specific result of the party operation was the creation of the new and
prolongation of the old local and district committees activity, with the total
number that equalled 116 [9]. The operation was organized in two directions:
the activity on the land territory and maintenance o the close contacts with
Rus minority in the neighboring states. The meeting of the Telegraph’s prisoners was conducted in 1928 mainly by the RPO figures
efforts. A special fund, for supporting of the unprosperous cooperators where
low-interest loans were granted through ‘Zaschyta Zemli’, was organized. The
contact with Rus societies of Carpathian Rus boiled down to the interchange of
the printings and participation of their representatives in the Galicia
Moscophilin cultural and enlightenment societies. Annually the RPO delegates
were involved in the national minority congress in Geneva as well as in the
similar congress in Riga. RPO plenipotentiary visited the centers of the
massive settling o Galicia Rus and Carpathian Rus emigration in America and
Canada in 1929 [9].
The
dates 25th of December (1933), 26th of December (1934)
and 25th of December (1935) are characterized with the handling of
the Third, Fourth and the Fifth Territorial Councils of RPO where the positions of Rus
national and cultural unity were upholded, the loyalty to Polish state
was stated and the matter of necessity of the collaboration with the government
was accentuated.
The
tactics of the official Polish government due to the activity of the Ukrainian
political parties have considerably changed in 1935. With the alignment of the
political forces in the world and consequently in the land, the change of the
priorities and the inability of the Moscophilians to influence on the political
situation were obvious.
Without
any support from the official authority side, gradually losing the control over
the Moscophilian societies the decision of not participating in the elections to Seim in 1935 was made. The Sixth
Territorial Council of RPO that took place on the 13 th of December, 1937
showed the confusion of its participants and some apathy.
Moscophilian
movement crisis widened the split in Rus Peasant Organization, the group
of its ex-members broke with in 1931,
having set up a new party – Rus Agrarian Rarty (RAP). The statute of the newly
formed party defined the main ideological and organizational provisions of its activity and was approved on the general
meeting dated 25 th of December, 1931 According to the statute, RAP
was announced to be a political organization that’s why its founding document
didn’t subject to approval by government [10]. The party members by analogy to
RPO declared their loyalty to Rich Pospolyta and operation exceptionally und
the jurisdiction of the state legislation. Neutral and defence positions
towards another ‘Rus’ and ‘Ukrainian’ parties were stated.
The
greater part of Moscophils under the leadership of V. Kolpachkevych,
understanding the lack of any prospect of the old forms existence, stood on the
Ukrainian national platform in 1934 and printed by the Ukrainian language
periodical ‘Prolom’. The activity of Moscophiles subsequently assumed absurd
meaning.
Understanding
its unpopularity without any official authority support, which according to the
international situation had shifted attitude to Moscophilian party, these
parties continued their activity chiefly within societies. Only with the
beginning of the Second World War, RPO ceased to exist and with the Soviet rule
establishment in West Ukraine it was forbidden at the official level.
RESULTS
The
results of the Moscophilian movement studies show that the reasons of its
revival in the interwar period are the crisis of the hopes in establishing own
Ukrainian state and the defeat of national liberation competition; Moscophilian
representatives removal from the political life, by means of ignoring their
influence and absence of their representatives in National Council and state
positions; the support of their activity by the official Polish authority;
conservatism, economic and cultural
negligence of the Galicia’s population; the split into parties of various
directions.
CONCLUSION
Though,
we may state that Moscophilian movement in the interwar period wasn’t a sole
due to its political ideology and party affiliation. Taking into account time
actual, Moscophiles differently viewed their own political prospects and formed
their vision of Galicia’s future. Common for all Moscophile directions was the
orientation on East, the unity with Upper Dniper Ukrainians. Their distinguish
feature was the estimation of the Bolshevist authority deed in Russia and
prospects of such regime in Galicia. The conservative Moscophile movement stood
on the way of compromise with Poles and thereby gradually was embodying its
cultural and national, economic and partly political plans. Those political
forces (with Moscophilian roots in the past), which were in opposition to
official authority didn’t’ take an
advantage of its support and the results of their activity weren’t so
noticeable. With Bolsheviks’ coming on West Ukraine, Moscophilian movement declined once and for all in 1939, and its
participants would be pursued, go abroad or abandon the political activity.
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