Aristova I.L.

The Far Eastern National University, Russia

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON ETHNIC IDENTITY

The importance of the research of ethnic identity has many different roots. Modern world  is characterized by diversity we haven’t experienced never before, and saving of cultural identity is very acute question for a lot of peoples. Besides, migration became much more intensive nowadays and made possible to move people of one identity into another identity. It gives life to many hurtful processes.

The analysis of recent researches made it possible to speak of main theoretical perspectives on ethnicity. They are: anthropological perspective (or primordialism in some variants), sociological perspective, and social-psychological perspective.

The primordial perspective emphasizes premigrant ties that are associated with physical affinity, common language, common religion, and other cultural and historical commonalities as the basis of ethnicity. So primordialists  primary focus is on culture and  they consider ethnicity as some kind of social bond “based on commonalities in physical and cultural characteristics and common historical experiences associated with the place of origin. People have a natural inclination to seek out others who share ancestry, physical affinity, language, and/or religion. This primordial bond, which is more emotional than rational, is the central element of ethnicity” (Min, Pyong Gap, ed., 2002). 

In the structural perspective the patterns of postmigrant adjustment to the host society and their effects on the development of a particular group’s ethnicity are considered. Sometimes the representatives of a particular ethnicity are forced to accept their ethnic identity by the expectations from the society.

Like the structural perspective the social construction perspective considers ethnicity as fluid and dynamic, socially constructed in people’s concrete social interactions with others. In multicultural societies minority groups are under influence of societal expectations and structural barriers. But minority groups are not passive, they may be considered as social actors, as those who actively interact with others creating their identity in a particular situation. According to this perspective people have multiple identity and use one or another in different situations. This fact produces some methodological difficulties. 

The social construction perspective pays special attention to the changes in the ethnic identity and factors of such changes. Not only structural factors, but also ethnic culture itself makes an important contribution to the development of one’s ethnicity. Ethnic cultural traditions are not “tinned goods”: they are partly inherited, partly modified, partly invented. Since social constructionists interpret ethnic culture as created in the mediation between emigrants and their descendants transplanted culture and structural conditions in their host society, they do not make a clear  distinction between “primordial” and “structural” sources of ethnicity.

In spite of all the differences of the perspectives analyzed there is a general agreement that ethnicity can better be understood through multiple rather than unitary factors. The social-psychological perspective is such an approach. It considers ethnic identity as a specific concept, model, through which a group and its members understand the role of ethnicity, whereas ethnicity relates to the structural relationships between ethnic groups.

Tajfel developed one of the most popular psychological theories of social identity. He hypothesized that individuals will try to find and maintain a positive social identity. This social identity is always achieved, Tajfel’s theory suggests, in contradistinction to an outgroup, that is, through the process of social comparison. Despite the criticism of the unsatisfactory nature of social identity as a motive force because of the vagueness of the ‘concept of positivity’, this idea nevertheless influenced many following researches.

So there is no general theory on ethnic identity and each perspective considers some aspects of the phenomenon and leaves aside others. But in one way or another questions of ethnic coping strategies are discussed by many researchers.

To better understand how individuals and groups deal with changes and tensions in their identity we should employ the concepts of acculturation and adaptation. Acculturation is a term which has been defined as a culture change that results from continuous, first hand contact between two distinct cultural groups (Berry, John W., 1988, P. 41).Originally it was proposed as a group level phenomenon, but now it is widely recognized as an individual level phenomenon, as psychological acculturation. At this level it refers to changes in an individual whose cultural group is collectively experiencing acculturation. While the definition implies mutual changes in fact most of them occur in the non-dominant group.

Individuals greatly vary in styles of dealing with changes in their lives. Viewing the acculturation both as a process and an outcome Berry identifies different strategies of adaptation and modes of acculturation. The strategies of adaptation have been termed adjustment, reaction, and withdrawal (Berry, John W., 1988). But there are also different ways in which individuals can acculturate. These four options are assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization. “The model is based upon observation that in culturally plural societies, individuals and groups must confront two important issues. One pertains to the maintenance and development of one’s ethnic distinctiveness in society… The other issue involves the desirability of inter-ethnic contact, deciding whether relations with the larger society are of value…” (Berry, John W., 1988, P. 44). The combination of answers to these questions gives us these four modes of acculturation.

Classical assimilationists proposed a zero sum model of acculturation, in which the acculturation of immigrants and their children involved the gradual replacement of their ethnic culture with a new culture. So middle-class representatives were expected to be highly assimilated into a new culture, with little retention of their ethnic cultural traditions. But recent empirical studies indicate that children of modern immigrants may be highly assimilated into American culture but still a significant proportion of second-generation students are bilingual. “…transnational ties and multicultural policy help immigrant families of all class backgrounds to transmit their language and culture to their children. Yet middle-class and professional immigrants with more resources can take greater advantage of these resources and are better able to take advantage of contemporary technological advances and multicultural policy more effectively to teach their children ethnic language and culture” (Min, Pyong Gap, ed., 2002, P. 159).

 In other papers we can also find the discussion on identity tension and the ways to copy with it. So professor Isajiw (Wynnyckyj, Andrij K., 1998) outlined five coping strategies adopted by Ukrainians when they face identity tension in Canada. He said that some of them compartmentalize their experience, others reject the society at large and are, how he put it, the 150 percent Ukrainians. (Both these strategies can be referred to separation according to Berry). The opposite were the 150 percent Canadian, what can be viewed as assimilation according to Berry. Some individuals reject both group and society to focus on higher concerns that go beyond ethnicity and that can be viewed in general as marginalization  according to Berry’s classification. And the final category professor Isajiw prefers as the best is that of “bringing two worlds together” and finding common ground. This coping strategy can be referred to integration. So we see that nothing new is hold in this schema.

If we follow the analyses of essays made by Asian American professionals (Min, Pyong Gap, ed., 2002), we can conclude that the possibility to compare the values of two cultures can give the second-generation immigrants their strength. Most of them experienced prejudice and rejection till college. But then they grew to appreciate their bicultural heritage. “They viewed their ethnic values, such as strong work ethic, respect for scholarly achievements, and esteem for elders, as positive additions to their lives” (Min, Pyong Gap, ed., 2002, P. 165). The realization of the fact that they can use the advantages of both cultures gives them some kind of “the strategy of recognition strategic benefits”.

So ethnic identity is not an entity, but a series of complex processes in time in which people construct from ‘historical’ facts biographical continuities between ancestors and their descendants as a group, generally in a wider social context of other ethnic groups and other social phenomena.

In further studies and discussions on this issue the role of goal-setting behavior in acculturative process is shown to be more important. For example, Prof. Wsevolod Isajiw, the Robert F. Harney Professor of Ethnic, Immigration and Pluralism Studies at the University of Toronto, in a lecture at the St. Vladimir Institute on March 25, 1998 (Wynnyckyj, Andrij K., 1998) pointed out that though the Ukrainians are one of the largest and most organized ethnic groups in Canada, they had difficulty in sustaining their influence on the society as whole, because much of their activity is the “expressive” rather than “instrumental” mode. He considers the “expressive” mode of an ethnic identity concentrates on the preservation and promotion of a given culture through social contacts within an ethnic group, while the “instrumental” mode prompts individuals to organize in order to achieve political and economic goals, to claim certain rights and promote policies. He ties expressive mode of ethnic identity with static components of identity that are associated with food, dance and so on. Instrumental mode activity is described as goal-making component of ethnic identity at group level. The goal-making component is hypothesized to be one of the most important components for those who achieved a high level of cultural assimilation. It can be concluded in particular from narratives by Asian American professionals (Min, Pyong Gap, 2002). 

So one can see that ethnic identity is rather complicated phenomenon and it can be analyzed from different theoretical perspectives.

 

References:

Berry, John W., 1988. ‘Acculturation and Psychological Adaptation: a Conceptual Overview’, in Berry, John W. & Annis, R. C., ed, Ethnic Psychology: Research and Practice with Immigrants, Refugees, Native Peoples, Ethnic Groups and Sojourners. Swets & Zeitlinger, 41-52.

Min, Pyong Gap, ed., 2002. The Second Generation: Ethnic Identity Among Asian Americans. Copiright 2002 by AltaMira Press.

Wynnyckyj, Andrij K., 1998. ‘Sociologist discusses modes of ethnic identity in    Canada’ in The Ukrainian Weekly, May 31, 1998, No. 22, Vol. LXVI.