Kaymuldinova Kulash D.
Abai Kazakh National Teachers’
Training University
GEOGRAPHICAL SENSE OF THE KAZAKH TOPOGRAPHIC NAMES’S CONTEXT
The same extent of exploration on importance of the
popular traditional topographic names (toponames), that were given to some
observable geographic objects, is even more worth of mentioning for now,
because of the fact that Kazakh scientific terminology supposed to be unified
and finally formed, since the independence.
The problems of the fundamental research upon the scale
of the Kazakh traditional terms semantics, and the regional factors of its
growth in the context of where the terms were originated from, arises as the
result of bringing them into the scientific terminology order.
As it’s been mentioned by E.Kerimbaev (1992) the
ethnical culture specific characteristics were valued as reasons of unification
the names given for the most observable geoobjects and therefore it is
necessary to see the significance of geographical, historical and ethnical
factors that have based a process of the name giving. Main subjects of Ethnic
ecology focus on connections of environment and the community within its
territory.
Considering the problems of ethnos in deep connection
with geographical territorial aspects, there is a strong opinion, that ethnos
reflects such features as natural resources variety, land exploration and way
of nature use (a local territorial scale). So it’s of a local geographical
scale, not of a regional one, such as climatic conditions, zonal vegetation,
soils and so on. As a result of environmental adaptation, there might be
pointed the specializations of regional economic and effects of tradition
culture.
Some valuable orientations towards the questions of
traditional specific ways of resources conservations have been reveled, while
analyzing the nature recourses’ use system. Considering the way of regional
specific ways of nature conservations, we would say that, Kazakh community used
to form it as traditions.
The fact of existence of the traditions expects the
information be transferred in chronographic and synchronic way. All the
information, that has been past to, in a chronographic way, is connected, at
first, to the environment (such as findings of a nature rhythm and the climatic
and weather conditions), and also the nature recourses and nature conservations
whereabouts were accounted as well attentively for the same reasons – to
approach the nature save exploration and conservations.
All the verbal instructions, about the said-above
nature exploration stuff, were possible for nomadic society only through the
use of topographic names (toponames), which were abundant with spiritual
descriptions, amenity of wild nomad staying and distinctive diversity.
The experience and geographic skills, that have been
gained, after the centuries of staying within particular natural region,
brought the ancient nomads to ecological adaptation, which was as a base for
making out the more rational approaches towards such organized activities as
land use and resource conservation.
The terms formed of the oral exchange of information
were supposed to reflect spiritual and intellectual wealth of Kazakhs, thus it
had to be followed with such picturesque and significant descriptions that have
been remained in traditional culture till now. The most outstanding Russian
geographer B.Fegorovich has given a no trivial comment about Kazakh toponames:
“…Kazakh topography is rather unwritten dictionary technique than a
vocabulary…”[1]. Such topographical names (terms) “dictionary” contains
immeasurable information and whereabouts on natural recourse use and nature
conservations, which are commented by decipherment and decoding for
geographical objects, factors and events which still are being worth for
observing it for economic and ecology geography.
As
we’ve been analyzing the system of traditional land use of Kazakh population,
where some is still living within regions with extremely desert natural
conditions (salty desert valleys, loamy desert plains and other landscapes of
these kind), we consider the Kazakh traditions of the nature use as are the
most ecologically adaptive ones within the territories with sharply desert
climate. Making such a conclusion to confirm a fact, we point the fact of the
very lean level that characterizes the Kazakhstan’s nature recourses and at the
same time the highly organized systems of land use, which is still used for
nowadays in private and state agricultural cooperated organizations. The
prevailing factor of successful cattle-rising is explained as a result of
rational organization of all-year-round pastures in the desert plains,
hereinafter called as “desert” pastures. According to some landscapes
classification working standards, considered by Kazakhstan’s scientists [2],
the “desert” pastures, which are common in territories under agricultural use,
mentioned as “natural” pastures.
The annual turnarounds of the “natural” pastures in
the desert regions of Kazakhstan has been formed according to the centuries
long experience, that is based on use of diverse type pastures accepting its
natural crop yield. During the use of desert pastures, Kazakh population has
formed the ecologically proved system of the land use. In connection of the
fact that desert plains are naturally of a low-graded yield, the only
ecological way submitted for the recourse conservation was a rational
“all-year-round” use. This model of conducting the most prevailing branch of
specialization initiated the specific culture of traditions in pastoral
cattle-rising. Some literal sources considering the historical traditions of
pasture use, noted to specify the ecological impact acceptance by Kazakhs, as a
very moderate influence upon the lands, no matter to the scale of the cattle
rising specialization. The geographical space was perceived by Kazakhs as far
as they could move across the deserts and explore it only for the reasons of
making pastures on it. Thus, the Kazakh traditional terms system has been
forming along in clear perception of sensations left after the nature surrounded
by.
Concerning
the priority measures of the study on the traditional geographic terms sense,
Kazakh geographer E. Murzaev (1974) mentioned it as,“…terms – are the base of
topography, they occur to reveal the main geographic content of the observable
object”. This explains all the interest, that topographical - linguistics ever
drawn towards the national geographic terms on their deeply specialized
research (within territories of Kazakhstan).
The earlier unknown works, which were dated by 17 c. – Khadyrgali Kosym-uly, 18 c. – Kazbek – biy
and K. Khalid at 19 c. have been now published out [3,4].
Having regard
to the said above on the sense of national topographic names, we would point
out some Kazakh traditional terms that directly connected with traditions of
the land use. The thorough investigation on such terms as “arka”, “bas”,
“karkara”, “khonyr”, “korys”, “tas”, “schat” will assist us to withdraw those
of the semantic aspects, which were mentioned in linguistic literatures before.
The “schat” and “tas” terminology were composed of the names for the Northern
Kazakhstan landscapes and carried the meaning of border marker of the nomadic
host of the pastoral lands. Besides the terms, which might be directly
transliterated, there are also some terms – antonyms, that probably are
supposed to explain the grades of the resources wealth – “zhaksy-zhaman” (bad –
and - good), “zhylhy- suyik” (warm – and - cold). Therefore, the term
“Zhanam-tau” (bad hills) would not at all mean a kind of tokens of the Nomads
relating with bad religious attitude towards the “dark” hills, it just has the
meaning of the pastures grade which, perhaps, were too bad to call the hills as
“dark” and “bad” ones.
The most worth of mentioning in traditional terms
genesis analysis is the terms used for hydrographic objects (hydronames). The
indicate terms list of hydrographic objects was mentioned by V.Popova, and has
been supplemented with specific Kazakh terms by us [5].
Kazakh traditional indicate-terms for the
water-recourses objects (hydronames)
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Hydrographic names |
Indicating terminology |
transliteration |
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The traditional names of the lakes |
Aydhin |
“moon” |
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Astau |
“
lied down the hills”, “hilly plateau” |
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Aschi |
“too
salty” |
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Balchash |
“mud
stream, smut” |
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Badpack |
“bad
mud” |
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Shalkhar |
“spacious” |
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Kamis |
“cane
vegetation” |
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Kayir |
“blessings” |
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Names of the rivers |
Akxay |
“clear
cave” |
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Acksu |
“white
waters” |
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Backanas |
“the
dried river valley” |
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Ouzek |
“primary,
main” |
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Ouzen |
-
“small river” |
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Sai |
“canyon” |
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Sagha |
“river
mouth” |
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Salha |
“headwater
tributary” |
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Sokhir |
“blame” |
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Names of the springs and trunks |
Aynabhulak |
“clear
pike” |
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Kaynar |
“deep
source” |
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Tamshei |
“water
drops” |
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Tuma |
“under-soil
hole” |
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Kaugha |
“pail” |
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Shynyrau |
“deep
dark trunks” |
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Actually, this scheme composed of 26 terms
instead of the listed ones, but there has been given those terms that clearly
reflect the capability of pasturable use.
We have noticed that some of the orographical
structure’s names (oronames) have undergone through changes, that occurred not
only in pronunciation and spelling details but also in geographical meaning. As
an example a “tau” term for the Western Kazakhstan regions would mean
“mountain”, at the same time for the Eastern Kazakhstan it would be “tobei”
which means “hills”. The Kazakh terms that officially are used in geography for
the lowland plains or for the hills were characterized with quite
differentiation in altitude sense.
Much more of
interest is drowned to the Kazakh traditions of the land use for natural
pastures. The result of such long-last natural resources exploration left marks
upon the terms that define the soil and vegetation types. According to the
search that has been gathered from the different sources, the following table
represent the classified groups of traditional terms which are used to describe
the natural “amenity” of the desert pastures.
Traditional
terms for the pastures description
(terms
are divided) by color |
by
elements of geological structure |
by
elements of the relief |
by
climatic factors |
by
natural level of humidifying |
by
types of vegetation |
Acktebyn (a white
campo) |
Borbas (saline soil) |
Ayak (the outstanding) |
Djelkem (windy place) |
Beedayik (grassy forages) |
Atzhall (the wastes) |
Allah-tamyr (shiny roots) |
Khum (sands) |
Bockter
(bottom of the hills) |
Djelkhara (dark lands) |
Khak (rain pools) |
Anyz (old, familiar place) |
Konyr (brown) |
Sortan (salty crust) |
Djaryk (crack, a hole) |
Kungey (sunny side) |
Kopa (cattle fields) |
Bedelyk (useful grass) |
Shubar (grayish) |
Tackyr (empty plains) |
Kabak (steep ness) |
Terskey (northern side) |
Tomar (dried tree) |
Koco-rhai (oasis) |
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Argumentative research on the originality of
traditional terms supposed to provide the terminology methodic with opportunity
to estimate the semantic importance of geographical genesis of its meanings. To
conclude some main aspects that consider the importance of Kazakh traditional
toponames for the today’s terms studying, we would formulate it as given
bellow:
1.
The nomadic life has defined the ways of behavior strategy and thinking related to living in arid climatic conditions and formed up the
principles and motives for geoobjects’ nomination;
2.
Traditional geographic terms as consistence of topographic names might be studied as
indicators, that point out the types, character and landscapes specific
features;
3.
Most information on environment and natural recourses, which is collected while Nomadic civilization
has been forming, is kept in traditional Kazakh topography material.
REFERENCES
1. Ôåäîðîâè÷ Á.À. Ëèê ïóñòûíè. - Ì., Ãîñêóëüòïðîñâåòèçäàò, 1950. - 247 ñ.
2. Èâàíîâ À.È., Ëÿùåíêî È.È.
Êîðìîâûå ðàñòåíèÿ ñåíîêîñîâ è ïàñòáèù Êàçàõñòàíà. - Àëìàòû, 1996
3. Ìàòåðèàëû ïî êèðãèçñêîìó çåìëåïîëüçîâàíèþ, ñîáðàííûå è ðàçðàáîòàííûå ýêñïåäèöèåé
ïî èññëåäîâàíèþ ñòåïíûõ îáëàñòåé. ò. ²². Àêìîëèíñêàÿ îáëàñòü. Àòáàñàðñêèé óåçä.
– Âîðîíåæ, 1902. – 262 ñ.
4. Ìàñàíîâ Í.Ý. Êî÷åâàÿ öèâèëèçàöèÿ êàçàõîâ (îñíîâû æèçíåäåÿòåëüíîñòè
íîìàäíîãî îáùåñòâà). - Àëìàòû - Ì., 1995. - 320 ñ.
5. Ïîïîâà Â.Í. Èíôîðìàöèîííàÿ ðîëü ìåñòíûõ ãåîãðàôè÷åñêèõ òåðìèíîâ â ñîñòàâå
òîïîíèìîâ // Âîïðîñû ãåîãðàôèè, Ñá. 81, 1970. – Ñ. 179 – 184.