Janusz Smykowski,
Strategic objectives of secondary education reforms in Russia in the
light of the statutes of 1871 and 1872
After the Crimean War, the issue of comprehensive reforms of fundamental
areas of national and social life started to be considered as a national
problem of utmost importance by the Russian ruling class. The war revealed
tsarist Russia’s backwardness regarding not only purely military but also
social and economic aspects. If such a state of affairs continued for a long
time, this would threaten Russia with a loss of her political significance in
the international arena, a perspective unacceptable to the Russian political
elite. Accordingly, as soon as the war ended, reforms were initiated, planned
on a large scale, the most important of which turned out to be the abolition of
serfdom.[1]
As a result of these reforms, Russia changed from a feudal state into one where
remnants of the old system did continue to play an important part, but social
and economic processes could be introduced to lead to great transformations in
many areas over a long term.
That state, reformed by
Tsar Alexander II, had to undertake activity in areas new to it. Typically for
a European state of the 19th century, there was an increase in the number of
the state’s functions and tasks, one of them being education. Even though the
Ministry of Education had been functioning in Russia from as early as 1802, the
reforms implemented made it necessary to expand rapidly the network of schools,
especially elementary but also secondary ones. Such an expansion was necessary
because of the need to modernize a large state whose economic development was
delayed. The new fields of economic and social life emerging at the time
required the preparation of personnel and employees of varied authority levels.
These expectations could not be met by those who served as the main pillar and
support of the tsar’s autocracy – dvorianstvo,
the only developed class in Russia – because there were too few of them
relative to what was needed. It was necessary, then, to give authority to
representatives of the classes or social groups which, because of their social
and cultural deprivation, did not gain trust of the Russian political elite.[2]
Providing the masses, so far deprived of access to education, with intellectual
tools allowing them to use the achievements of symbolic culture (including
social thought and ideology) was a serious political problem for the Russian
ruling class.[3]
From the end of the 1850s
and the beginning of the 1860s, the Ministry of Education and circles of
Russian educationalists held discussions about the shape of the future school
system, including secondary education. The discussions bore fruit in the form
of several bills concerning secondary education, which was then commonly
regarded as the essential core of the educational system.[4]
It was secondary education that was supposed to give indispensable knowledge
and skills, not only as a ticket to higher education (primarily universities)
but also as a source of qualified middle-rank employees in the state
administration, business administration, emerging industry and other
fields.
As a result of the
discussions and work at the Ministry of Education, headed then by Aleksandr
Golovnin, a gymnasium statute was passed in 1864, introducing two types of
gymnasiums: “classical” ones, with classical languages, Latin and Greek,
occupying a dominant role, and “real” gymnasiums, emphasizing sciences. The
main purpose of the statute was to provide students with general knowledge at
the level allowing them to continue studying at Russian universities.[5]
In this sense, studying in a gymnasium was to be a preparatory course for
university education. The two types of gymnasiums, though formally of equal
status, were actually divided into “better” ones, classical gymnasiums, because
they ensured a ticket for a university, and “worse” ones, real gymnasiums,
because they were earmarked for future traders, merchants, craftsmen, or, more
broadly, service employees.[6]
The aim of gymnasium education was, among others, to equip the student with
general secondary school knowledge. The “classicists” and “realists” held a
dispute, which could not be resolved, about what “general education” should
look like.[7]
They did not seriously take into consideration the possibility of combining two
types of knowledge which could now be assigned to two blocks: sciences and
humanities. It was only possible to have either classical or real gymnasiums.
In the 1860s, also after Golovnin’s statute was published, Russian
educationalists held discussions about advantages and disadvantages of both
types of gymnasiums. The classicists accused the realists that the profile
advocated by the latter would cause students to be overloaded with information
from many fields which would not be set in the world of human thoughts and
ideas, thus producing merely “superficially” educated persons. The realists, on
the other hand, claimed that classical education, assigning central importance
to “dead” languages – Latin and Greek, would make the curricula concentrate
excessively on the ancient past, severing the student’s contact with the
present.[8]
The usefulness of both
types of gymnasiums for the Russian school education was perceived also in a
wider context, wondering how useful is each of the educational profiles – the
classical and the real one – for future needs of the country. Supporters of
each direction of gymnasium education invoked important arguments. The realists
pointed out Russia’s needs with respect to industrialization and modernization,
which in their opinion eliminated classical education as not very useful and
not giving students knowledge necessary for the emerging fields of social and
economic life, not even information which would allow the students to better
function and find themselves in the reality, changing increasingly faster. The
classicists, on the other hand, supported their argumentation by invoking the
past and present experience of European countries with secondary education.
Even though this education was still dominated by classical languages, this had
not prevented Western Europe from achieving economic, and, consequently,
political power. Statistical data were also quoted to show that graduates of
classical gymnasiums were able not only to meet the rigorous requirements of
university education but also to cope better in other types of higher schools.
The data showed, too, that intellectual skills based on the knowledge of the
dead languages caused students to be better equipped to continue studying in various
types of higher schools.[9]
Soon after the publication
of the gymnasium statute, Tsar Alexander II was subject to an assassination
attempt by Karakozov in 1866. After this event, an investigation commission
headed by General Mikhail Muravyov, known as Wieszatiel [“Hangman”], was set up to find out the circumstances
and reasons of the attempted assassination. One of the major conclusions of
that commission was to demonstrate disadvantages of the prevailing educational
system in gymnasiums, which failed to provide youth with “thorough” knowledge
and “hard” facts. As a result, the education was supposed to be “superficial”,
not set in the world of human thoughts and ideas.[10]
Thus, real gymnasiums were accused to be indirectly responsible for the event.
The Russian government
circles feared the influence of educational contents connected with science on
the youth from unprivileged social classes. According to the ministry,
sciences, linked to contemporary ideas, could direct students’ attention to
their own social position and thus contribute to increased social
dissatisfaction in the country in the future.[11]
Because the statute of 1864 did not determine the fate
of further education, leaving to the future the decision about the usefulness
of both types of gymnasiums for the country’s future, after the findings of the
investigation commission, work was initiated with the aim to ultimately solve
the dilemma. Work on the new statute was conducted by Count Dmitry Tolstoi, appointed Minister of Education by the Tsar after Minister Golovnin
was dismissed.[12]
Tolstoi worked for several years, aiming to arrive at a new gymnasium statute.
As for the ultimate organization of these schools, he disagreed with his
predecessor, Golovnin, with respect to three issues. First, the possibility of
selecting the type of gymnasium by landed gentry (ziemstvo) and the question whether there were to be two types of
gymnasiums or just one. Second, the issue of allowing the staff meeting at
schools to prepare syllabi or having the Ministry of Education define strictly
framework syllabi. Third, the question whether gymnasiums should be regarded as
facilities where students are not only taught but also brought up, and whether
the number of boarding schools should be accordingly increased.[13]
The new minister was in
favour of leaving the rank of gymnasiums assigned only to schools with a
classical curriculum. This was because, in his opinion, a gymnasium prepared
youth intellectually to the extent sufficient to study at a university. He also
advocated strict control of syllabi by the Ministry of Education as a necessary
condition to ensure the uniformity of the syllabi and, consequently, the
uniformity of requirements imposed on prospective graduates at the end of the
course. At the same time, Count Tolstoi strongly supported the gymnasium as an
educational facility responsible not only for teaching the students but also
for their upbringing. On the other hand, the new bill assumed, similarly to the
earlier statute, that the gymnasium was to be generally accessible to all
social classes.[14] Because the
ministry were aware of the educational gulf separating children belonging to dvorianstvo from children from the
remaining social classes at the time, they envisaged a preparatory class
(ïðèãoòîâèòåëüíûé êëàññ) attached to gymnasiums. It was necessary to set up
such a class because of the decision that a child could enter a gymnasium on
condition that he or she passed the entrance examinations.[15]
Another reason for having such a class was the importance of languages in the
overall curriculum. It was necessary therefore to teach the student the basic
grammatical rules of the state’s official language before embarking on the
explanation of such rules in foreign languages. As compared to the gymnasium curriculum
of 1864 the number of classes of the main subjects – classical languages and
mathematics – was to increase, while the number of subjects regarded as
secondary (modern languages, history, religion, geography, draughtsmanship and
drawing) was to decrease. At the same time, in the vicinity of gymnasiums,
lodgings were to be provided for students having no relatives in the cities or
towns where the schools were located. As for real gymnasiums, the ministry’s
bill envisaged that they would be changed into “real schools” (ðåàëüíûÿ
ó÷èëèùà), which were to be subject to a separate statute.[16]
The work on the statute on
real schools, according to the minister’s guidelines, proceeded in the
following directions. First, within such schools a number of optional courses
were to be introduced, adjusted to the needs of particular regions where the
schools were located. Second, the period of studying was extended to 7 years
and was to cover general subjects (mathematics, Russian, modern languages) and
specialist ones. Third, it was expected that education in those schools would
be a continuation of learning in poviat
(district) schools, and, at the same time, the preparation of students to
specialist higher schools, excluding universities.[17]
So secondary education in
Russia, regarded as the educational foundation, was to receive two types of
schools, preparing future graduates to activity in diverse areas of social,
economic and political life.
The new bill was prepared in secret. The work and the
very procedure of approving the bill violated prevailing Russian law in several
respects. This was because the new minister was aware that in the State
Council, one of Russia’s most important state authorities, there existed a
strong opposition against establishing classical gymnasiums as the only type of
a secondary school giving students a ticket to university.[18]
The opposition argued that there was a need to strengthen real (scientific)
education of youth because of urgent state, economic and social interests.[19]
The minister’s opponents could also support their arguments with recently
published works by Herbert Spencer, an English educationalist who undermined
the purpose of the classical education and emphasized advantages of real
sciences in the context of the modernization process occurring in Europe.[20]
During the presentation of the gymnasium statute,
Tolstoi challenged the claims of real gymnasium advocates on account of the
unsuitability of the contents of the subjects taught for the concept of
“general education”. He also stated that the real gymnasiums existing until
then did not provide sufficient preparation to studying at higher specialist
schools. In his opinion, practice had shown that classical gymnasiums would
prepare students for such schools equally well, if not better. Therefore he
proposed that real schools to be established should prepare students mainly for
specific jobs in trade and industry, and only the most able ones – for higher
specialist schools.[21]
Despite the fierce opposition in the State Council,
the Minister of Education’s bill was approved by the Tsar and became a binding
law. Pursuant to its assumptions, the classical gymnasium was to become the
basic kind of a secondary school, open to all social classes, which was to
prepare youth for university education, not depriving them of the opportunity
to continue studying in higher schools of a different type. The curriculum of a
classical gymnasium assumed that the main subjects were to be classical
languages: Latin and Greek, and mathematics. The number of teaching hours for
these subjects was increased. The syllabus envisaged 49 hours a week for Latin
(accumulated number for 8 years of teaching at a gymnasium), 36 hours for
Greek, and 37 hours for mathematics (including a total of 8 hours for physics,
mathematical geography and natural history combined). The justification for the
high number of hours devoted to Greek, as compared to Western European
countries, was the great influence of the Greek culture, through the Byzantine
Empire, on Russian culture. The remaining subjects were regarded as less
important. Russian – the basic official language of the Russian Empire – was to
be taught for 24 hours per week (12 hours less in the preparatory class for 2
years). The number of teaching hours of religion, history, natural history,
draughtsmanship, calligraphy and drawing was reduced.[22]
The importance of the major subjects in a gymnasium
increased even further as a result of the use of a concentric curriculum with
reference to all the subjects. This meant that the syllabi of secondary
subjects were to be adjusted so as to support the study of the major subjects.
In particular, this concerned modern languages, including Russian, and history.
Because language classes involved mainly giving students information and
grammatical rules, the process was to be strictly synchronized with the
teaching of Latin and Greek grammars.[23]
The objective was to accelerate and facilitate the study of classical subjects.
The lengthy duration of the gymnasium course (8 years, or even 10 together with
the preparatory class), closing with a successful passing of the final
examination was to guarantee the moral and intellectual maturity of the
student, making it possible for him or her to study at any type of a higher
school.
On the other hand, the statute on real schools of 15
May 1872 envisaged that their curricula would provide students with basics of
secondary education, focused on practical needs. Depending on the local
conditions, the schools could have the full six-year course or a shortened one
– three, four or five years. In the curriculum of the real schools subjects
were divided into general and specialist ones. The general subjects included
then: Russian, religion, mathematics, history, geography and modern languages.
A group of intermediate subjects included: physics, natural history,
calligraphy, draughtsmanship and drawing. Specialist subjects were divided into
several groups. The oldest classes could have the following profiles: general,
mechanical and technical, chemical and technical.[24]
As far as the gymnasium is concerned, the curriculum
was arranged so as to satisfy the requirements connected with the achievement
of the moral and intellectual maturity by students, which involved passing the
final exam. The most difficult was the exam in classical languages. The student
was told not only to translate correctly certain fragments of texts into Latin
and Greek, and then into Russian, but also to use information from other
subjects operationally in connection with the fragment being translated. In
addition, particular emphasis was put on the appropriate choice of vocabulary
in connection with the topics of the essays written by students, clarity,
lucidity and logic of the developed argument.[25]
Despite the declaration made by the “classical party”
that this type of instruction would introduce students into the world of human
thoughts and ideas, and in that regard the classical education was supposed to
dominate over the real education, the practice showed something very different.
Three years after the adoption of the gymnasium statute, the Ministry of
Education published executive regulations, including framework syllabi for all
subjects[26]. Obviously,
the major role in the curriculum was to be played by classical languages –
Latin and Greek. However, the contents of the language instruction – including
modern languages – proved that the claim [made by the classicists] was false.
The study of languages was reduced to a large extent to teaching grammar –
etymology and syntax. In the gymnasium, ancient authors were read: first of all
Caesar, Cornelius Nepos, Ovid, to whose texts a considerable number of hours
were devoted in particular classes.[27]
But these texts were treated as models of correct grammatical structures, which
students were told to master fluently. The Russian language was treated in a
similar fashion. The first four years, with the greatest number of hours
devoted to it, were devoted to Russian and Old Church Slavonic grammar. Only
higher classes – fifth, sixth and seventh, where the number of hours was lower
– were devoted to analysis of literary works and history of literature.
However, analysis of literary works – whether Russian or ancient – was a
problem to which the Ministry of Education gave much thought. The problem was
that not all the contents of education in humanities corresponded to the
strategic objectives of the reformed educational system. Already before, in the
years 1849-1850, therefore directly after the Spring of Nations, the government
circles accused the classical gymnasiums that their syllabi contributed to
spreading Republican ideas in Russia.[28]
As it turned out in practice, the isolation of youth from modern ideas by
drawing their attention to remote problems of the ancient reality not always
produced expected results. The nature of the limitations connected with
ideological and literary education of students can be seen from the instruction
in the framework syllabus of Russian, concerning the reading of literary works.
The aim of this education was not to prepare students to respond to a literary
work critically but only to “assess the
value of a literary work using thorough judgments”[29].
According to the authors of the curriculum, students of a gymnasium would not
have sufficient knowledge to present a critique of a literary work. Therefore
it was forbidden in a gymnasium to teach any classes which would require
students to present their own analyses and apply the basics of literary
criticism to the works read. On the other hand, the classes were to teach
students to read literary works with understanding and apply to them
appropriate concepts of literary theory and history. But any analyses known as
aesthetic, artistic, psychological or social criticism were to be completely
excluded.[30] Classes of
this type were to be taught only at university.
The importance of particular subjects in a gymnasium
corresponded to the level of requirements set for the student. This applied in
particular to the final examination, which – according to the ministry’s plans
– was to show the student’s moral and intellectual maturity to start studies in
any type of a higher school, especially at university. The examination subjects
in state gymnasiums were: religion, Russian, Latin, Greek, mathematics and
history. On the other hand, students in private gymnasiums and those who wanted
to take the final examination a year earlier had to be examined in all the
subjects taught.[31] In
accordance with the principle of focusing efforts on the central subjects, the
most demanding requirements concerned Latin, Greek and mathematics. The final
examination in Latin involved translating an appropriately large fragment of
Caesar’s memoirs or other historical works from Russian into Latin. Apart from
prose, the student was told to translate poetic works. The final examination in
Greek looked similar. The fragments were selected in order to make it possible
to assess the student’s familiarity with Greek and Latin grammar.[32]
As for Russian, the exam involved a written essay which was planned to test the
student’s skills of composition, choice of vocabulary appropriate for the
topic, clarity, consistence and logic of the argument.
The final examination was one which was supposed to
show that a gymnasium graduate had both intellectual and moral predisposition
required by the ministry. The framework curriculum also served that purpose. To
satisfy the examination requirements the student had to memorize a lot of
information about the classical antiquity. The material was presented and
consolidated during eight years. Any departures from the ministry’s plan
threatened students with their enormous efforts being wasted.
The framework curriculum and the system of examination
requirements drawn in this way were to lead ultimately to the formation of the
student’s predisposition which the Ministry of Education regarded as crucial
for the future of the Russian intelligentsia. This concerned not so much the
fluent knowledge of Latin, Greek or other languages taught in gymnasiums, but
rather the skills of clear, lucid, logical and precise thinking, acquired
during extensive and painstaking study of grammars of these languages. Teaching
languages with the emphasis on grammar was to be a tool to form desired
features of the student’s mind. Similar qualities were supposed to be produced
by solving mathematical problems. On the other hand, deliberate effort was
taken to prevent the student absolutely from participating in any classes which
could lead to independent thinking, judgment or opinion. The instruction was
planned to prepare the future graduates to solve logical problems but not to
take their own decisions or to form a judgement on the real world.
It was such preparation of gymnasium students that
satisfied officials of the Ministry of Education at the time. While reforming
many areas of social and state life, the ruling elites were perfectly aware of
the necessity for institutional reforms to be accompanied by the preparation of
new personnel to new tasks.
Such was the point of the dispute between realists and
classicists. The former wanted mainly education of employees for emerging new
branches of the industry. In such a case humanities, such as Latin and Greek,
seemed relatively not very useful or even unnecessary. The real education –
apart from science – demanded subjects oriented to the present and future, such
as an introduction to legal sciences and modern languages.
The model of classical gymnasium enforced by Tsar
Alexander II corresponded more to the very needs of the state – to provide
qualified personnel indispensable in the institutions which were being
expanded. After a gymnasium, a graduate could find a job in the state
administration, at a low and middle level. At this level of authority,
excessive independence and inventiveness are not especially valued. What
matters most is the ability to perform instructions from superiors efficiently.
A gymnasium was to prepare young people to study at
university. University education provided much greater opportunities of
promotion in the state administration.[33]
It was higher schools that were to produce managerial staff for state
institutions. To educate managers, it is necessary to form in them the
intellectual predisposition allowing them to manage large groups of people.
Hence, university syllabi could include contents whose purpose was to exercise
critical thinking.
The curriculum of a gymnasium as a secondary school
was also to be free of real subjects (science), which – according to the
ministry officials – were responsible for spreading materialism and nihilism in
Russia. Especially unprivileged classes were threatened with these intellectual
trends. Studies of nature, oriented to the present, could provoke students to
reflect on their own situation. If “subversive” tendencies disseminated in
various offices following successive waves of graduates from the lower social
classes, this would be dangerous for the Russian state in its form at the time.
Obviously, it was impossible to carry out such
elimination in real schools. But here the risk was much lower from the point of
view of the state’s interest. Those schools, after all, were to educate
personnel for industry and commerce rather than persons participating to a
certain extent in exercising state authority. It was for that reason that Count
Dmitry Tolstoi, the Minister of Education, opposed so vigorously the idea of
granting equal rights to both types of gymnasiums, the classical and the real
one, as much as the idea of admitting the graduates of the latter ones to
university.
In conclusion, it should be stated as a result of the
hierarchy of strategic objectives of the state, it was the classical gymnasium
rather than the real one that became the most important institution of
secondary education in Russia. What is more, the achievement of certain
objectives of the state, regarded as priorities, made it difficult, if not
impossible, to attain other goals. The curriculum of a Russian classical
gymnasium was completely unfit for assimilation objectives, because it hindered
the Russification of Ukrainians, Lithuanians, Poles and other nationalities.
This was because the central contents of this education were not connected with
the Russian culture. The curriculum, modelled on the Prussian gymnasium, taught
primarily contents and ideas characteristic for the foundation of the Western culture,
even in the case of the study of Greek, because works read in this language
were strictly related to the Western cultural tradition. In that sense, the
gymnasium reform in tsarist Russia from the beginning of the 1870s confirmed
the European aspirations of that country, concerning both the sphere of culture
and civilisation.
References:
1. Filippov M. M., Reforma gimnazij i universitetov, Sankt Peterburg 1901.
2. Ganelin Š. I., Očerki
po istorii srednej školy v Rossii votroj poloviny XIX veka, Moskva 1950,
Akadenija Pedagogičeskich nauk RFSR.
3. Kandaurova T. N.,
Gimnazii [w:] Očerki russkoj kultury XIX veka. Vol. 3. Kulturnyj potencjal
obščestva, Moskva 2001.
4. Petrov F. A., Gutnov
D. A., Rossijskije universitety [in:] Očerki russkoj kultury.
5. Pipes R., Rosja
carów, Warsaw 2006, Magnum.
6. Piskunov A. I.[ed.],
Očerki istorii školy i pedagogičeskoj mysli narodov SSSR.
Vtoraja polovina XIX veka, Moskva 1976, Pedagogika.
7. Polnoe Sobranije
Zakonow Rossijskoj Impierii. Zakony 1866 goda, quoted
after: Vestnik Evropy , 13 May 1866.
8. Roždestvenskij S. V., Kratkij obzor dejatelnosti Ministerstva
Narodnogo Prosvjaščenja 1802 – 1902, Sankt Peterburg 1902.
9. Sbornik’ postanovlenij i rasporaženij po gimnazijam i
progimnazijam vedomstva Ministerstva
Narodnogo Prosvjaščenja, Sankt Peterburg 1874.
10. Sinel A., The
classroom and the chancellery. State
educational reform in Russia under count Dmitry Tolstoi, Harvard University
Press, Massachussets, 1973.
11. Spencer H., Education
Intelectual, Moral and Physical, London 1861.
[1] R. Pipes, Rosja carów, Warsaw 2006, Magnum, pp. 168-169.
[2] A. Sinel, The classroom and the chancellery. State educational reform in Russia
under count Dmitry Tolstoi, Harvard University Press, Massachussets, 1973, p.
131.
[3] Ibid., p. 134; A. I. Piskunov [ed.], Očerki istorii školy i pedagogičeskoj mysli narodov SSSR. Vtoraja polovina XIX veka, Moskva 1976, Pedagogika, p. 108.
[4] Š. I. Ganelin, Očerki po istorii srednej školy v Rossii votroj poloviny XIX veka, Moskva 1950, Akadenija Pedagogičeskich nauk RFSR, p. 12-28.
[5] S. V. Roždestvenskij, Kratkij obzor dejatelnosti Ministerstva Narodnogo Prosvjaščenja 1802 – 1902, Sankt Peterburg 1902, p. 437.
[6] T. N. Kandaurova, Gimnazii [in:] Očerki russkoj kultury XIX veka. Vol. 3. Kulturnyj potencjal obščestva, Moskva 2001, pp. 98 – 99; Roždestvenskij, op. cit., pp. 98-99.
[7] S. V. Roždestvenskij, op. cit. s. 436.
[8] Ibid.
[9] S. V. Roždestvenskij, op. cit., p. 436.
[10] Polnoe Sobranije Zakonow Rossijskoj Impierii. Zakony 1866 goda, quoted after: Vestnik Evropy, 13 May 1866.
[11] A. Sinel, op. cit., p. 131; Š.
Ganelin, op. cit., p. 40.
[12] S. V. Roždestvenskij, op.
cit., p. 514.
[13] Ibid.
[14] S. V. Roždestvenskij, op.
cit., p. 516; T. N. Kandaurova, op.
cit., p. 98.
[15] S. V. Roždestvenskij, op.
cit., p. 517.
[16] A. Sinel, op. cit., p. 145.
[17] S. V. Rožestvenskij, op. cit.,
p. 521.
[18] A. Sinel, op. cit., p. 142-143.
[19] Ibid., p. 147.
[20] H. Spencer, Education Intelectual,
Moral and Physical, London 1861.
[21] S. V. Roždestvenskij, op.
cit., p. 521.
[22] T. N. Kandaurova, op. cit., p. 100; M. M. Filippov, Reforma gimnazij i universitetov, Sankt Peterburg 1901 [in:] Očerki russkoj kultury XIX veka. Kulturnyj potencjal obščestva, Moskva 2001, p. 30.
[23] Sbornik’ postanovlenij i
rasporaženij po gimnazijam i progimnazijam vedomstva Ministerstva Narodnogo Prosvjaščenja,
Sankt Peterburg 1874, pp. 194-195.
[24] T. N. Kandaurova, op.cit., p. 99.
[25] Sbornik’ postanovlenij i
rasporaženij..., op. cit., p. 365
[26] Sbornik’ postanovlenij i
rasporaženij..., op. cit., pp. 166- 337.
[27] Ibid, pp. 221-224.
[28] A. I. Piskunov [ed.], Očerki istorii... op. cit., p. 107.
[29] Sbornik’..., op. cit., pp. 206 –
207.
[30] Ibid., p. 208.
[31] Ibid., p. 356.
[32] Ibid., pp. 365– 366.
[33] F. A. Petrov, D. A. Gutnov,
Rossijskije universitety [in:] Očerki russkoj kultury, op. cit., p. 135.